| |
|
All quotes
Topics:
America (5)
America, Destiny (15)
America, Example (2)
America, Faith in (2)
America, Future (7)
America, Heritage (49)
America, History (40)
America, a Choice Land (4)
Bill of Rights (6)
Book of Mormon (2)
Capitalism (7)
Central Planning (3)
Change (3)
Character (8)
Charity (4)
Checks and Balances (3)
Christianity (27)
Citizenship (36)
Citizenship, Dissent (2)
Civil War (2)
Class Warfare (2)
Communism (23)
Compromise (1)
Compulsion (1)
Conspiracy (2)
Cooperation (2)
Culture (4)
Debt (15)
Democracy (14)
Dictatorships (4)
Draft (1)
Duty (6)
Economics (52)
Education (61)
Equality (3)
False Concepts (1)
Family (1)
Fear (3)
Federalist Papers (75)
Force (7)
Free Agency (41)
Free Market (5)
Freedom (23)
Freedom of Speech (1)
Freedom, History (1)
Freedom, Loss of (54)
Freedom, Price of (1)
Freedom, Religious (16)
Freedom, Restoration of (2)
Freedom, Threats to (6)
Government (21)
Government, Benefits of (1)
Government, Dictatorship (2)
Government, Domestic Policy (2)
Government, Downfall (12)
Government, Forms of (8)
Government, Good (11)
Government, Ideal (9)
Government, Limited (12)
Government, Loss of Freedom (16)
Government, Oppression (2)
Government, Power (12)
Government, Purpose (2)
Government, Spending (14)
Government, Threats to (4)
Government, Tyranny (7)
Government, Vertical Separation (7)
Government, Wealth Transfer (11)
Heavenly Interest in Human Events (33)
Honesty (10)
Income Tax (2)
Individual, Improvement (4)
Involuntary Servitude (1)
Justice (1)
Kings (3)
Labor (2)
Law (48)
Law, Respect For (15)
Leadership (5)
Legal Plunder (12)
Liberals (1)
Liberty (11)
Life (2)
Loyalty (1)
Mass Media (2)
Morality (55)
Obedience (3)
Paganism (1)
Patriotism (4)
Peace (8)
Politics (42)
Politics, International (14)
Power (5)
Praxeology (5)
Principles (6)
Private Property (5)
Progress (4)
Prohibition (7)
Prosperity (3)
Public Duty (3)
Republic (7)
Responsibility (82)
Right to Life (1)
Righteousness (5)
Rights (35)
Rights, Self Defense (8)
Secret Combinations (1)
Security (3)
Self Control (3)
Self-Reliance (2)
Selfishness (4)
Slavery (3)
Social Programs (2)
Socialism (25)
Society (6)
Sovereignty (1)
Statesmanship (3)
Taxes (17)
Term Limits (1)
Tolerance (2)
Tyranny (1)
US Constitution (32)
US Constitution, Amendments (5)
US Constitution, Defend (11)
US Constitution, Inspired (20)
US Constitution, Threats to (5)
Uncategorized (211)
Unions (3)
United Nations (1)
United Order (7)
Virtue (25)
Voting (26)
War (16)
War, Revolutionary War (3)
Welfare (35)
Wickedness (1)
|
Topic: Federalist Papers, Matches 75 quotes.
Federalist No. 52
The House of Representatives
A representative of the United States must be of the age of twenty-five years; must have been seven years a citizen of the United States; must, at the time of his election, be an inhabitant of the State he is to represent; and, during the time of his service, must be in no office under the United States.
As it is essential to liberty that the government in general should have a common interest with the people, so it is particularly essential that the branch of it under consideration should have an immediate dependence on, and an intimate sympathy with, the people. Frequent elections are unquestionably the only policy by which this dependence and sympathy can be effectually secured.
Let us consult experience, the guide that ought always to be followed whenever it can be found.
It is a received and well-founded maxim, that where no other circumstances affect the case, the greater the power is, the shorter ought to be its duration; and, conversely, the smaller the power, the more safely may its duration be protracted.
Topics: Federalist Papers
Federalist No. 53
Wherever the supreme power of legislation has resided, has been supposed to reside also a full power to change the form of the government.
No man can be a competent legislator who does not add to an upright intention and a sound judgment a certain degree of knowledge of the subjects on which he is to legislate.
But with all these abatements, the business of federal legislation must continue so far to exceed, both in novelty and difficulty, the legislative business of a single State, as to justify the longer period of service assigned to those who are to transact it.
Topics: Federalist Papers
Federalist No. 54
Government is instituted no less for protection of the property, than of the persons, of individuals. The one as well as the other, therefore, may be considered as represented by those who are charged with the government.
Topics: Federalist Papers
Federalist No. 55
{Federalists 55-58 deal with the number, duties and election of members of The House of Representatives}
Sixty or seventy men may be more properly trusted with a given degree of power than six or seven. But it does not follow that six or seven hundred would be proportionably a better depositary.
The truth is, that in all cases a certain number at least seems to be necessary to secure the benefits of free consultation and discussion, and to guard against too easy a combination for improper purposes; as, on the other hand, the number ought at most to be kept within a certain limit, in order to avoid the confusion and intemperance of a multitude. In all very numerous assemblies, of whatever character composed, passion never fails to wrest the sceptre from reason.
Were the pictures which have been drawn by the political jealousy of some among us faithful likenesses of the human character, the inference would be, that there is not sufficient virtue among men for self-government; and that nothing less than the chains of despotism can restrain them from destroying and devouring one another.
Topics: Federalist Papers
Federalist Nos. 56 + 57
What are to be the objects of federal legislation? Those which are of most importance, and which seem most to require local knowledge, are commerce, taxation, and the militia.
I will add, as a fifth circumstance in the situation of the House of Representatives, restraining them from oppressive measures, that they can make no law which will not have its full operation on themselves and their friends,as well as on the great mass of the society. This has always been deemed one of the strongest bonds by which human policy can connect the rulers and the people together. It creates between them that communion of interests and sympathy of sentiments, of which few governments have furnished examples; but without which every government degenerates into tyranny. If it be asked, what is to restrain the House of Representatives from making legal discriminations in favor of themselves and a particular class of the society? I answer: the genius of the whole system; the nature of just and constitutional laws; and above all, the vigilant and manly spirit which actuates the people of America, a spirit which nourishes freedom, and in return is nourished by it. If this spirit shall ever be so far debased as to tolerate a law not obligatory on the legislature, as well as on the people, the people will be prepared to tolerate any thing but liberty.
Topics: Federalist Papers
Federalist No. 58
There is peculiarity in the federal Constitution which insures a watchful attention in a majority both of the people and of their representatives to a constitutional augmentation of the latter. The peculiarity lies in this, that one branch of the legislature is a representation of citizens, the other of the States: in the former, consequently, the larger States will have most weight; in the latter, the advantage will be in favor of the smaller States.
{The 17th Amendment changed this so that both branches represented the citizens and none the States.}
This power over the purse may, in fact, be regarded as the most complete and effectual weapon with which any constitution can arm the immediate representatives of the people, for obtaining a redress of every grievance, and for carrying into effect every just and salutary measure.
It is, that in all legislative assemblies the greater the number composing them may be, the fewer will be the men who will in fact direct their proceedings. In the first place, the more numerous an assembly may be, of whatever characters composed, the greater is known to be the ascendency of passion over reason. In the next place, the larger the number, the greater will be the proportion of members of limited information and of weak capacities.
... he people can never err more than in supposing that by multiplying their representatives beyond a certain limit, they strengthen the barrier against the government of a few. Experience will forever admonish them that, on the contrary, AFTER SECURING A SUFFICIENT NUMBER FOR THE PURPOSES OF SAFETY, OF LOCAL INFORMATION, AND OF DIFFUSIVE SYMPATHY WITH THE WHOLE SOCIETY, they will counteract their own views by every addition to their representatives.
Topics: Federalist Papers
Federalist Nos. 59,60, and 61
EVERY GOVERNMENT OUGHT TO CONTAIN IN ITSELF THE MEANS OF ITS OWN PRESERVATION
{Speaking of the Federal Governments possible misuse of its power to regulate the election of its members.} The improbability of the attempt may be satisfactorily inferred from this single reflection, that it could never be made without causing an immediate revolt of the great body of the people, headed and directed by the State governments.
There is a contagion in example which few men have sufficient force of mind to resist.
Topics: Federalist Papers
Federalist No. 62 - Pt. I
The Senate
The heads into which this member of the government may be considered are: I. The qualification of senators; II. The appointment of them by the State legislatures; III. The equality of representation in the Senate; IV. The number of senators, and the term for which they are to be elected; V. The powers vested in the Senate.
A senator must be thirty years of age at least; as a representative must be twenty-five. And the former must have been a citizen nine years; as seven years are required for the latter. The propriety of these distinctions is explained by the nature of the senatorial trust, which, requiring greater extent of information and stability of character, requires at the same time that the senator should have reached a period of life most likely to supply these advantages; and which, participating immediately in transactions with foreign nations, ought to be exercised by none who are not thoroughly weaned from the prepossessions and habits incident to foreign birth and education.
Among the various modes which might have been devised for constituting this branch of the government, that which has been proposed by the convention is probably the most congenial with the public opinion. It is recommended by the double advantage of favoring a select appointment, and of giving to the State governments such an agency in the formation of the federal government as must secure the authority of the former, and may form a convenient link between the two systems.
No law or resolution can now be passed without the concurrence, first, of a majority of the people, and then, of a majority of the States.
{see 17th Amendment}
The faculty and excess of law-making seem to be the diseases to which our governments are most liable.
Topics: Federalist Papers
Federalist No. 62 - Pt. II
First. It is a misfortune incident to republican government, though in a less degree than to other governments, that those who administer it may forget their obligations to their constituents, and prove unfaithful to their important trust. In this point of view, a senate, as a second branch of the legislative assembly, distinct from, and dividing the power with, a first, must be in all cases a salutary check on the government.
Secondly. The necessity of a senate is not less indicated by the propensity of all single and numerous assemblies to yield to the impulse of sudden and violent passions, and to be seduced by factious leaders into intemperate and pernicious resolutions. ... All that need be remarked is, that a body which is to correct this infirmity ought itself to be free from it, and consequently ought to be less numerous. It ought, moreover, to possess great firmness, and consequently ought to hold its authority by a tenure of considerable duration.
Thirdly. Another defect to be supplied by a senate lies in a want of due acquaintance with the objects and principles of legislation. It is not possible that an assembly of men called for the most part from pursuits of a private nature, continued in appointment for a short time, and led by no permanent motive to devote the intervals of public occupation to a study of the laws, the affairs, and the comprehensive interests of their country, should, if left wholly to themselves, escape a variety of important errors in the exercise of their legislative trust.
What indeed are all the repealing, explaining, and amending laws, which fill and disgrace our voluminous codes, but so many monuments of deficient wisdom; so many impeachments exhibited by each succeeding against each preceding session; so many admonitions to the people, of the value of those aids which may be expected from a well-constituted senate?
Topics: Federalist Papers
| |
|